The real resistance

On April 30, 2013 the newly freed Palestinian prisoner Salam Asa’ad Za’ghal, 24, attacked an Israeli settler near Za’atra checkpoint in the north of the West Bank. The young man stabbed the settler to death, before Israeli soldiers and the border police arrived at the scene to shoot at him. Salam used the settler’s gun to return fire but eventually was wounded and taken away.

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Soon after the attacks, Fatah’s military wing Al-Aqsa Brigades rushed to claim responsibility for the attack, saying this comes as a response to the murder of the prisoners Arafat Jaradat and Mysara Abu Hamdyeh while in Israeli custody. They also claimed that they were granted the green light (from who? Abbas?) to begin a series of attacks to target the occupiers. Yet Fatah’s dismantled military wing claims doesn’t show any indication this act was planned or performed by the group, as facts on the ground prove this statement false. 

“If it was really  planned, God help us.”

The nature of the attack indicate its randomness. Location, timing, weapon, are all elements that point to how desperate and poorly planned the attack was.

First, the attack took place in a heavily guarded junction used by both Palestinians and settlers. Settlers are usually located in two main bus stops, over looked by at least two manned military units. Palestinians are not allowed anywhere near those bus stops. They can pass it, but they are not allowed to wait anywhere near it. If anything Palestinians usually wait for their rides 10 meters away to avoid soldiers or the settlers’ harassment.

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Second, the attack took place around 8 in the morning, a busy time of the day where the attacker would be easily spotted and captured by whoever is in the vicinity, whether they are soldiers, or armed settler militia.

Finally, Salam used a knife to stab the settler to death, which is a very simple, accessible, and impractical tool to implement a supposedly “previously planned” revolutionary attack.

If the attack was planned, it was solely by the attacker himself, which fits in with all the actions that targeted Israelis in the West Bank in the last years, specially the stabbing, running over, and shooting incidents– all that can hardly be classified under the term as being “militant acts.”
For example, in 2012 at least 7 to 10 stabbing attempt were reported, although no Israeli was killed, the attempts left few injured and the attackers either dead or detained. In other hand 2011, 5 settlers were killed in an attack on Itemar settlement.

These murders usually flourish when an organized resistance is absent in the oppressed society. They are the undying indication of the abnormality of the situation those people live in, and are strong reminders for both the oppressed and the oppressors of the fact that there is absolutely nothing normal in colonial occupation.

Those attacks are by nature violent, brutal, know no mercy, and will always end with the attacker’s death or arrest, unless they are lucky. They are also hard to prevent by the oppressors, Fatah’s PA and Hamas included. If no one knows what’s on your mind, no one can stop you.

A feature worth noting that dominated all individual attacks in the last year is that they are all done by the marginalized class, those with nothing to lose. Salam as the attackers before him belongs to the wretched of the Palestinian society, those who suffer from both the occupation and class oppression.

Language used to comment on Salam looks although praised him as a freedom fighter, were full of class arrogance. A man commented saying, “Even a man with such a haircut proved to be more honorable than many of us.” If you don’t know, haircuts in Palestine usually indicate a certain class or background, as people tend to associate certain looks to either refugee camps, cities or villages.

Those revolutionary acts although in many people’s opinions are impractical and have if anything a very little influence on the colonial forces, are the pure acts of resistance, untainted with the political interest of the oppressed political elite.

In short, they are the real resistance.

Zionist intellectuals offer a Pizza to Samer Issawi

Reblogged from Free Haifa:

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Israel’s Prime Minister's wife, Mrs. Netanyahu, became a symbol of insensitivity, a local Marie Antoinette, when she famously offered pizzas to students activists on hunger strike against rising tuition fees. She didn’t express support for their just demands, nor did she show any admiration for their sacrifice or sympathy with their suffering. All she displayed was the light minded selfishness and hedonism of someone who is complete stranger to the notions of a just cause, struggle or sacrifice.

Read more… 769 more words

One Day in Syria, 6 Years Ago

Looking through some old files, few days ago, I found some old ones burned into an old CD’s. In one of those files, I found the pictures I took with my phone during a trip to Syria back in 2007, when I was in my third year in the university.

I had some hard time trying to fix the pictures, because of the low quality, but they were good enough to bring some old memories, I felt like sharing with you.

Colonial Femen Strike Again

Femen is like many Israeli activist, who forgot their role as “solidarity” activist, and started to try to lead the movement against a system of oppression they are part off! 

Over the last few months, Femen decided to “lead” the fight for Arab/Muslim women rights, so they started what they called “Topless Jihad Day“. Femen posted this picture as part of her campaign. Image

It doesn’t need much to notice the Islamophobia, Orientalist messages this picture send, from using a towel to imitate the Islamic head wear, to the beard “I understand she can’t grow a beard”, and the pose that suppose to imitate the Muslim prayers. which makes this picture all in all offensive to many Muslims, women and men. 

Femen, by waging it’s (Operation Women Freedom) to free all Muslim women from the Islamic patriarchy, are no different from many Israeli activists who tried to move from their solidarity positions, to lead the resistance against oppressive system they are part of.
“Same apply on French who went to Algeria to fight against the French colonialism, out of their believes that the oppressed are unable to liberate themselves” 

Femen are not Islamist Jihadist in Afghanistan or Syria, thanks to those who will eagerly try to point this to me. Well, my dear friend, nor radical Islamists are the problem. 

The Jihadist, or the Islamist “if you want”, are the result of colonial and sub-colonial oppression reflected on Muslim nations all over the world either directly, or indirectly through puppet dictatorships. Many of those dictatorship tried to enforce Liberal and more western friendly policies on their people, but those policies were doomed the moment the regimes collapses, as what happen in Iran, Afghanistan, Iraq…etc.
Most of those changes were enforced by the system on the people, the moment the system is gone, people went back to their old ways, because they simply didn’t want those changes, associating it with the former oppressive system.
To create a permanent change in the society, you need the people to change and then enforce those changes on the system, which guarantees even if the system is no more, people will continues. 

Digging in the history of many members of those Jihadies or Islamist you notice that many were part of Socialist progressive movements, who abandoned their ideas, after what they thought the end of socialism by the collapse of the USSR. Many others are simply people who don’t want to change, and for sure, they don’t want changes to be enforced on them

To sum up! 

Femen might be standing for a noble cause, I too stand by, but I hate when a group of people think they are morally superior and in position to judges or enforce their ways on other, whether they were Islamist, Liberal, communist,…… what ever. People must have the right to choose how they want to live, and change the way they desire, even if we don’t like or agree with it. 

Burns the flag you want, strip as much as you want dear European ladies, but when real change take place, it will happen from inside the Arab and Muslim societies, No thanks to you, but rather, despite you. 

امينة بخير!

Reblogged from هنيبعل.. يتسكّع في الأرجاء:

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هاني نعيم

لمن لا يُعرف امينة، فهي فتاة من تونس، تبلغ من العمر 19 عاماً، وقد قررت منذ بضعة ايام أن تعترض على السلطة البطريركيّة في بلادها، على طريقتها الخاصة، إذ قامت بنشر صورة عارية لها، مع عبارة كتبتها على صدرها: "جسدي ملك لي، ليس شرف احد".

طبعاً، ومع عدم استغراب خرج الجميع، من اليمين الديني إلى اليسار العلماني ليرفض ما قامت به امينة.

معارضتي بما قامت بة أمينة. ليس على أساس طريقة التظاهر التي إختارتها. بل على اساس الفكر النسوي الاستعماري الدافع المتمثل بحركة Femen. مجرد تحفظ، لا يلغي ولا يقلل من اهمية و حجم الضربة القوية التي وجهتها للنظام الذكوري العربي.

A Toxic Shock

In his book “live from death row”, African American revolutionary, Mumia Abu Jammal explains how the prisons system in the US is designed to crush the relationship between the caged and their “free” family. He explains how prisoners are usually sent to prisons far  from their families, making it harder for them to reach the prison for a visit, and when they do cross the long distances, they are still unable to touch their loved ones, as they remain separated with glass walls.

In a quick comparison with the Palestinian prisoners situation and the hardship they and their families have to go through, you can see the similarities between the 2 systems, as the Israeli colonialist system build it’s prison and locate the prisoners far away from their families, beside the barriers, checkpoints, making it almost impossible to visit the caged but through the Red cross organized visits.

Palestinian prisoners families can visit only through the red cross, and only after obtaining a special permit Issued by the Israeli colonialist. the trip usually start as early as 4AM and end late at night. In many times families were sent back from the prison gates or from the checkpoint with no reasons but the usual “Security”. Prisoners families from Gaza were prevented from seeing their caged loved ones for 6 years for the same lame reason “Security”.

Few days ago a video was published on electronic Initifada blog, featuring former Palestinian prisoner and hunger striker for 78 days, Thaer Halahleh and his wife Shirin. The couple talked openly about how the frequent Imprisonment of Thaer psychologically affected them, and how this reflects on their relationship.

The video produced by Al-Haq, brought an insightful view to the complex relationship Thaer has with his wife caused by the continues detention, as he was arrested 2 months after his engagement with Shirin for 2 years, to be arrested again 14 days after his wedding.

The video.

What Thaer, and Shirin said reminded me of a paragraph I marked from Mumia book, about his relationship with his beloved wife and family.

The heavy gaseous odor still lingers, and a dark oily ring stains cups. It makes me wonder about a saying my wife and I share, that bars and steel can’t stop the power of love. The dark side of that also is true: bars, steel, and court orders can’t stop the seepage of pollution that afflicts both the caged and the “free”. Despite the legal illusions erected by the system to divide and separate life, we the caged share air, water, and hope with you, the not yet caged. We share your same breath.

I don’t really have anything more to say but to quote the “Long distance revolutionary” again. “The earth is but one great ball. The borders, the barriers, the cages, the prisons of our lives, all originate in the false imagination of the minds of men.”

The Title was stolen from Mumia book “Live from death row”.

Remember Iraq

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Remember Iraq

Time magazine light box posted a group of pictures to “celebrate” 10 years since the American colonial forces started what they called “Operation Iraqi Freedom”, the pictures were great reminders of the work of empires, and how they destroys nations just to put their hands on the conquered nations resources.

One of the pictures was this old picture from January 18, 2005, I have seen it many times before, yet I never really knew the story behind it.

The picture was taken by Chris Hondros, an American photojournalist who covered conflict zones all over the world, to end his journey in Mesrata, Libya in April 20, 2011, where he was fatally wounded in a mortar attack by the Libyan government forces.

The caption of the picture above is an excerpt written by Chris Hondros himself. The writing was pulled from his laptop recovered after his death in Libya.

“At six in Tal Afar, it isn’t yet quite dark. A gloom hung over the roads and alleys with just a little dark blue light from the sky. No one was out. As we made our way up a broad boulevard, in the distance I could see a car making its way toward us. With all the relentless car bombings in Iraq, groups of soldiers are understandably nervous about any cars that approach them, and they do not allow private cars to breech the perimeter of their foot patrols, particularly at night. 

”We have a car coming,” someone called out, as we entered an intersection. We could see the car about a 100 meters down but I doubt if it could see us—it would be hard to see this group of darkly camouflaged men in the gloom. That already gave me a bad feeling about what might conspire, so I moved over to the side of the road, out of anyone’s line of fire. The car continued coming; I couldn’t see it anymore from my perch but could hear its engine now, a high whine that sounded more like acceleration than slowing down. It was maybe 50 yards away now.

“Stop that car!” someone shouted out, seemingly simultaneously with someone firing what sounded like warning shots—a staccato measured burst. The car continued coming. And then perhaps less than a second later a cacophony of fire, shots rattling off in a chaotic overlapping din. The car entered the intersection on its momentum and still shots were penetrating it and slicing it. Finally the shooting stopped, the car drifted listlessly, clearly no longer being steered, and came to a rest on a curb. I stared at it in shocked silence. Soldiers began to approach it warily. The sound of children crying came from the car, and my worst fears were instantly realized. I walked up to the car and a teenaged girl with her head covered emerged from the back, wailing and gesturing wildly. After her came a boy, tumbling onto the ground from the seat, already leaving a pool of blood.

“Civilians!” someone shouted, along with a stream of epithets, and soldiers ran up. More children—it ended up being six all told—started emerging, crying, their faces mottled with blood in long streaks. The troops carried them all off to a nearby sidewalk. It was by now almost completely dark. There, working only by lights mounted on ends of their rifles, an Army medic began assessing the children’s injuries, running his hands up and down their bodies like he was frisking them, looking for wounds. Incredibly, the only injuries were a girl with a cut hand and a boy with a superficial gash in the small of his back that was bleeding heavily but wasn’t life-threatening. The medic immediately began to bind it, while the boy crouched against a wall, his face showing more fear than pain.

From the sidewalk I could see into the bullet-mottled windshield more clearly, and even my hardened nerves gave a start—the driver of the car, a man, was penetrated by so many bullets that his skull had collapsed, leaving his body grotesquely disfigured. A woman also lay dead in the front, still covered in her Muslim clothing and harder to see. Body bags were found and soldiers grimly set about placing the two bodies in them. 
 Meanwhile, the children continued to wail and scream, huddled against a wall, sandwiched between soldiers either binding their wounds or trying to comfort them. The Army’s translator later told me that this was a Turkoman family and that the teenage girl kept shouting, “Why did they shoot us? We have no weapons! We were just going home!”

There was a small delay in getting the armored vehicles lined up and ready, and soon the convoy moved to the main Tal Afar hospital. It was fairly large and surprisingly well outfitted, with sober-looking doctors in white coats ambling about its sea-green halls. The young children were carried in by soldiers and by their teenaged sister. Only the boy with the gash on his back needed any further medical attention, and the Army medic and an Iraqi doctor quickly chatted over his prognosis. “Oh, this will be okay,” the Iraqi doctor said in broken English, roughly pulling the skin on the edge of the wound, causing the boy to howl. “We will take care of him fine.”

The unit’s captain, Thomas Siebold, was adamant that the children be kept in a waiting room when the body bags, which were waiting outside on gurneys, were brought through the doors to be taken to the morgue. “They’ve seen enough,” he said. “I don’t want them seeing any more tonight.” I thought of Seibold’s office where I’d met up with him earlier, and the picture of his smiling 5-year-old daughter filling the entire desktop of his computer at his desk.”

Picture source; print screen from Times light box